“The Afghan military exercised its democratic rights and voted by foot.” The humorous tone of the Pakistani press these days is less than the satisfaction of its government and military over the Taliban victory.
“The Afghans have broken the bondage,” Prime Minister Imran Khan told his old nickname, the Taliban. “Suddenly, everyone wants to talk to Pakistan,” says his foreign minister, Shah Mahmood Qureshi.
Satisfaction in Islamabad overthrew the “pro-Indian” government after twenty years in Kabul
The same Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, closely followed the fall of Kabul in Istanbul last Sunday. The two countries have excellent relations with Qatar, which has hosted the self-proclaimed Islamic Emirate office in Afghanistan for many years.
Due to the enmity between Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, it is not surprising that Abu Dhabi has become the first port of call for ousted Afghan President Ashraf Ghani because it is wrong to talk about asylum because he is a US citizen. .
But something is moving in this area as well. On an unimaginable visit in recent years, the Emirates National Security Adviser also met with Erdogan in Ankara the day before yesterday, expressing his desire to speak with the Taliban. Also, it is even harder with the hairy prince of the Emirates, Mohammed bin Saeed.
Everyone is moving in line with the new Afghan reality. The turn of the Emirates in this case would actually be 180 degrees because it is one of the three states that recognized the previous Taliban regime, which is an infamous memory.
The victory of the Wahhabi-inspired insurgency may be an ideological victory for Saudi Arabia, an economic victory for China, but from a political and military point of view, the biggest beneficiary is Pakistan.
It should be remembered that after the formation of the Taliban, in the 1990s, there was Pakistan Intelligence (ISI) led by Pashtun General Hamid Gul. “The United States. It will leave because it cannot continue the bombing indefinitely, and the Taliban are the only opposition to a nationalist character,” he told reporters already in 2008.
It is not surprising that when Gul passed away, it was said in Kabul that “the real Mulla Omar is dead”. Not much is known about the actual death of the Taliban emir, but his successor in 2016, Hibatula Ajunzada, is unknown. Although he is suspected of spending the past decades in Quetta, Pakistan, he is preparing to return as a supreme guide.
Quetta is a chaotic city, a traffic point for all forms of trafficking and banned from foreign journalists. The Taliban leadership waged a peaceful war between the city and the shaman, one of the forts with high walls over a road where militia vans did not stop traveling. The route to Kandahar crosses the Durand Fort, an imaginary boundary drawn by the British on barren land.
The pocket water known as “shura” in Quetta has never been the target of US drones circling other Pakistani borders. There were two rare exceptions when Washington had already lost the war. In one, Ajunzada’s brother died. In another, as his predecessor Amir.
The Indo-Pakistani perspective on the Afghanistan conflict often goes unnoticed. Of course, this was still one episode of the Cold War in the eighties. The Afghan Communists – girls and young women in schools blowing their hair in the air – were immediately opposed by the Mujahideen, and were raised in Islamabad by fundamentalists and Nobel “feminist” Doris Lessing, backed by Washington and their allies.
However, since the 1990s, the rivalry between India and Pakistan has come to the fore. After the shock of the Gul generation, Pakistan vowed not to allow any similar Indian move on behalf of any Palestinians – now Bangladesh – who lost East Pakistan.
If the Islamic State wants to blur the border between Syria and Iraq, the Taliban, on the contrary, respect Fort Durant – not recognized by any Afghan government – because their kingdom does not belong to this world. Of the Pakistani authorities – the progress of the new development in Kabul has progressed – of course yes.
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