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When democracy was established in India from 1947, the Congress Party was responsible for the national development of the subcontinent, as well as the colonial administration sought to bridge the gaps deepened. Since then and until 2020, agriculture has been integrated by the central government, which supports the implementation of state governments ’own policies.
This system shows the detrimental effects on men and women dedicated to crops, and this work is very invisible. However, in some cases subsidies for the supply of electricity and the minimum support price for products sold by farmers in state markets (Mandis), They were purchased by a third party.
Currently, the central government is in the hands of the conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In his second term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi did not stop facing national opposition, and his Hindu nationalism was a violation of his maximum secular constitutional principle of “one nation, one language, one religion” (respect and understanding equality of all religions and not separating the federal state from religion), of democracy. Makes the idea worse. After the visit of former US President Donald Trump in February last year, the political leader called it an abrupt action that violated the rights of the Muslim people by ending the popular uprising against the National Citizenship Register (CAA and NRC-affiliated Citizenship Act approval); Months later he announced a complete overhaul of the agricultural sector.
What do these new laws mean?
With the justification of protecting the country’s economy during the health crisis, the ruling party implemented a series of agrarian reforms in June 2020, which were created not only by state powers, but also without the participation of citizens. The federal government announces that liberalization will modernize the sector and streamline its production and economic potential, guaranteeing the country’s food security.
With the justification of protecting the country’s economy during the health crisis, the ruling party enacted a series of agrarian reforms in June that drew not only state powers but also the participation of citizens.
On the one hand, three new agricultural laws were introduced: the first diversified the sources of income, which could be sold to private or state markets, and facilitated trade between domestic and interstates. The second law allows private companies and farmers to establish contract terms without interim requirements. Removal of storage limits and restrictions on basic products (grains, legumes, oils, etc.) form the third central axis. On the other hand, the Electricity Amendment Act and the penalty for burning crop residues are included.
March to Delhi
The peasant organization, the struggles, is determined to disseminate information about the Kisan Ekta Morcha, criticizing the laws as intended to “enslave” them. They explain it Mandis They are regulated and taxed by the Agricultural Products Marketing Authority, while private markets are exempt. Thus, the Committee expresses concern that companies will have the opportunity to make a profit even if they operate inefficiently, state markets disappear, and with them the minimum price: they will set up monetary value and subsidies to suit the needs of the majority of the Indian population. Mandis They will disappear.
If the commissions cease to function due to the monopoly of private companies, governments will be relieved of their financial obligations. Similarly, it is feared that by removing savings restrictions, private actors will monopolize goods and establish higher prices in difficult times.
Since November, farmers across India have been marching to Delhi to speak out against government-approved reforms.
Farmers complain that these laws call for private companies to play a decisive role in the “dictatorial” role of the Indian economy and food security, where the income of more than half of the rural population depends on agricultural activities. They argue that the reforms did not come in a hurry to put an end to the current and sustainable production system. Causing the suicide of workers. In contrast, the liberal program is defined as synonymous with development and strengthens the survival of corporate monocultures over the rights and interests of citizens.
Beginning in the second half of November, male and female farmers from all over India marched to Delhi to voice their opposition to the government-approved reforms. The violence and police repression they face along the way will not end in the city as they have been camping in the suburbs of the capital for more than two months as security forces prevented them from entering.
From Roll India Report on the stalemate in the negotiations: On the one hand, it was proposed Supreme Court Women, the elderly and children should stay away from riots. This has encouraged media coverage of work done by women who are the majority of employees in the sector. On the other hand, the ruling class ensures the well-intentioned nature of its objectives, the amendment of electricity subsidies and the abolition of fines for burning garbage. Suspension of laws For 18 months only.
As for the peasants, they continue on the path of war, according to the Kisan Ekta Morcha, “it is a matter of life and death.” Last January 26, Republic Day, thousands of people gathered and were unable to enter the city. The police charge for the peaceful demonstration led by agricultural tractors were responsiveness with police fees, internet services cut and handling of messages. The group emphasizes that despite the unrest caused by mobilizations (road closures and traffic interruptions, among others), agriculture is having an impact nationally, so other people support the struggle in various ways, for example, with donations that make the struggle possible.
In addition, the reforms introduced by the BJP have encouraged a mass movement at a time of social divide. In the capital and other parts of the country the central government offers the rights of farmers in the form of concessions to private actors, which will ensure their well-being regardless of the detrimental effects they may cause. However, the men and women who support their families are thankful for their activities in the fields, are firm in their disagreement and declare that they will not rest until the laws are completely repealed. As the Kisan Ekta Morcha points out, the Department of Agriculture “has proven to be a warrior of food security during this epidemic, so it must be respected.”
Indira Garcia Felda holds a PhD from the Autonomous University of Madrid and focuses on research on the political ecology of India.
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